Today, 1 July 2007, in China has celebrated the tenth anniversary of the return of Hong Kong under the jurisdiction of Beijing after over a century of membership in the Commonwealth UK.
Hu Jintao, Chief of the PRC, visited the Special Administrative Region for a two-day visit in which the press has a lot of room. There are of course
missed some episodes of protest concerning democracy and representativeness of the people of Hong Kong in the executive of the region.
What has this to do with Taiwan ? Here we go.
In June 1984 the then Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in anticipation of the return of Hong Kong to mainland China, made a proposal known as " One Country, Two Systems . According to the plans of Deng, the day after passage deliveries from London to Beijing and for a period of 50 years would remain a Mainland socialist system while Hong Kong Special Administrative Region would continue to maintain its capitalist system . T
ale proposal was also made to the island of Taiwan (see "One Country, Two Systems" taken from "Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping "), whose return under the jurisdiction of Beijing has always been the dream of China after World War II forward.
Obviously, Taiwan has never welcomed the proposal, especially in recent years during which the leadership of the island was in the hands of President Chen Shui-bian , convinced belonging to the separatist Democratic Progressive Party (PDP), recently decided to let the island in the major international organizations (see UN and WHO) with the official name of Taiwan.
E 'Deng's formula applicable to the case in Taiwan? Before responding, you should keep in mind a fundamental fact: Hong Kong and Taiwan are two completely different historical and political realities .
The status di colonia ricoperto da Hong Kong fino al 1997 e la particolare autonomia goduta non hanno mai dato adito a notevoli dibattiti su una sua indipendenza; gli unici problemi sarebbero potuti giungere dalle incognite relative al futuro di Hong Kong all'indomani del ritorno alla Cina. Il mantenimento del sistema capitalista , oltre a qualche altra clausola, suona quindi quasi come una "concessione" nei confronti della popolazione locale e rappresenta in un certo senso la garanzia fornita da Pechino a Londra al momento del passaggio di consegne.
Al contrario, Taiwan non è più una colonia sin dalla fine del Second World War (when it was part of the Japanese) and, in addition, the island has gone through the second half of the twentieth century as a separate de facto separated from mainland China. Not only that, until 1971 Taipei has been almost universally recognized as Chinese capital for all purposes.
The recent movement for the independence sponsored PDP and President Chen also make it more complicated than the discussion on the draft of Deng Xiaoping relatively the island of Taiwan.
In fact, the formula "one country, two systems" necessarily implies the membership of Taiwan to China, which is part of the Taiwanese population (specifically, the one near the PDP) does not want. One application may come if and only if Taiwan decides to abandon any desire for political independence.
Of course, first you might consider the current status quo as a primitive form or sketched the project under discussion. From the point of purely political view, in fact, Taiwan does not enjoy widespread international recognition and appears in a few international organizations (and not with names such as Chinese Taipei ), but retains economic relations "independent" with almost every country in the planet and keeps considerable internal autonomy.
addition, the population of Taiwan has not seen such a negative way in the formalization of a situation that continues to unofficially for years. Pragmatically speaking, the de jure independence at the time could bring more harm than good Island
But it is also true that, although economically the system together with that of Taiwan and Hong Kong, under the profile political discourse is completely different.
Some features provided by the present condition of Taiwan, as the official recognition by some countries (though a few "small") or the high degree of democracy reached the island over the years as well as the 'self-government or the management of military affairs , rischierebbero di decadere all'indomani di una eventuale unificazione con la Cina. A differenza di Hong Kong, "Un Paese, due Sistemi" potrebbe dunque rappresentare un ampio passo indietro per i numerosi indipendentisti (e non solo) di Taiwan.
E cosa accadrebbe se, al contrario, tutte queste peculiarità fossero mantenute (fatta eccezione, gioco forza, per il riconoscimento internazionale)? In questo caso, il discorso "Un Paese, due Sistemi" potrebbe essere una sorta di autolesionismo da parte di Pechino. Che senso avrebbe infatti accogliere sotto la propria giurisdizione un'entità che mantiene un suo governo , un suo army, its political-economic system ? Of course, prevents the recognition of the dreaded "two Chinas", but at what price?
the immediate "green light" to independence will certainly not come from Beijing. Not only that. They are the United States itself (always the main "allies" of Taiwan) to advise against such a course for the good of the island and the tranquility of the Far East .
The formula "one country, two systems" is therefore currently the sweetest way proposed by the PRC to sweeten the pill of the desired unification. For Taiwan, however, there seems to be enough sugar to digest a similar medicine, maintaining the status quo It therefore seems to still be the "lesser evil".
Hu Jintao, Chief of the PRC, visited the Special Administrative Region for a two-day visit in which the press has a lot of room. There are of course
missed some episodes of protest concerning democracy and representativeness of the people of Hong Kong in the executive of the region.
What has this to do with Taiwan ? Here we go.
In June 1984 the then Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in anticipation of the return of Hong Kong to mainland China, made a proposal known as " One Country, Two Systems . According to the plans of Deng, the day after passage deliveries from London to Beijing and for a period of 50 years would remain a Mainland socialist system while Hong Kong Special Administrative Region would continue to maintain its capitalist system . T
ale proposal was also made to the island of Taiwan (see "One Country, Two Systems" taken from "Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping "), whose return under the jurisdiction of Beijing has always been the dream of China after World War II forward.
Obviously, Taiwan has never welcomed the proposal, especially in recent years during which the leadership of the island was in the hands of President Chen Shui-bian , convinced belonging to the separatist Democratic Progressive Party (PDP), recently decided to let the island in the major international organizations (see UN and WHO) with the official name of Taiwan.
E 'Deng's formula applicable to the case in Taiwan? Before responding, you should keep in mind a fundamental fact: Hong Kong and Taiwan are two completely different historical and political realities .
The status di colonia ricoperto da Hong Kong fino al 1997 e la particolare autonomia goduta non hanno mai dato adito a notevoli dibattiti su una sua indipendenza; gli unici problemi sarebbero potuti giungere dalle incognite relative al futuro di Hong Kong all'indomani del ritorno alla Cina. Il mantenimento del sistema capitalista , oltre a qualche altra clausola, suona quindi quasi come una "concessione" nei confronti della popolazione locale e rappresenta in un certo senso la garanzia fornita da Pechino a Londra al momento del passaggio di consegne.
Al contrario, Taiwan non è più una colonia sin dalla fine del Second World War (when it was part of the Japanese) and, in addition, the island has gone through the second half of the twentieth century as a separate de facto separated from mainland China. Not only that, until 1971 Taipei has been almost universally recognized as Chinese capital for all purposes.
The recent movement for the independence sponsored PDP and President Chen also make it more complicated than the discussion on the draft of Deng Xiaoping relatively the island of Taiwan.
In fact, the formula "one country, two systems" necessarily implies the membership of Taiwan to China, which is part of the Taiwanese population (specifically, the one near the PDP) does not want. One application may come if and only if Taiwan decides to abandon any desire for political independence.
Of course, first you might consider the current status quo as a primitive form or sketched the project under discussion. From the point of purely political view, in fact, Taiwan does not enjoy widespread international recognition and appears in a few international organizations (and not with names such as Chinese Taipei ), but retains economic relations "independent" with almost every country in the planet and keeps considerable internal autonomy.
addition, the population of Taiwan has not seen such a negative way in the formalization of a situation that continues to unofficially for years. Pragmatically speaking, the de jure independence at the time could bring more harm than good Island
But it is also true that, although economically the system together with that of Taiwan and Hong Kong, under the profile political discourse is completely different.
Some features provided by the present condition of Taiwan, as the official recognition by some countries (though a few "small") or the high degree of democracy reached the island over the years as well as the 'self-government or the management of military affairs , rischierebbero di decadere all'indomani di una eventuale unificazione con la Cina. A differenza di Hong Kong, "Un Paese, due Sistemi" potrebbe dunque rappresentare un ampio passo indietro per i numerosi indipendentisti (e non solo) di Taiwan.
E cosa accadrebbe se, al contrario, tutte queste peculiarità fossero mantenute (fatta eccezione, gioco forza, per il riconoscimento internazionale)? In questo caso, il discorso "Un Paese, due Sistemi" potrebbe essere una sorta di autolesionismo da parte di Pechino. Che senso avrebbe infatti accogliere sotto la propria giurisdizione un'entità che mantiene un suo governo , un suo army, its political-economic system ? Of course, prevents the recognition of the dreaded "two Chinas", but at what price?
the immediate "green light" to independence will certainly not come from Beijing. Not only that. They are the United States itself (always the main "allies" of Taiwan) to advise against such a course for the good of the island and the tranquility of the Far East .
The formula "one country, two systems" is therefore currently the sweetest way proposed by the PRC to sweeten the pill of the desired unification. For Taiwan, however, there seems to be enough sugar to digest a similar medicine, maintaining the status quo It therefore seems to still be the "lesser evil".
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